From the Bastille to Constitutional Monarchy: The Revolution's Moderate Phase

# From the Bastille to Constitutional Monarchy: The Revolution's Moderate Phase

On July 14, 1789, a crowd stormed the Bastille fortress in Paris and liberated its prisoners. History has treated this as the founding moment of the Revolution, a dramatic symbol of popular power breaking open the instruments of royal tyranny. The reality was considerably more mundane, and the gap between symbol and reality tells you something important about how revolutions construct their own mythology.

The Bastille contained seven prisoners: four forgers, two mentally ill men, and one aristocrat imprisoned on the orders of his own family for "depraved behavior." There were no political prisoners. The revolutionary crowds weren't freeing dissidents — they were seizing the armory because they needed guns and gunpowder. The fortress had already been scheduled for demolition.

None of this diminishes the event's importance. What matters is what the storming of the Bastille *meant*, not what it was. It was the first time that armed popular action had reversed a royal decision (the dismissal of Necker, which had sparked the crisis), and it demonstrated that the king's authority no longer held against organized crowds. That lesson was not lost on anyone.

## The National Assembly and Its Ambitions

The National Assembly — formed in June from the Third Estate's defection — moved with remarkable efficiency through the summer of 1789. On August 4, in a session of competitive generosity that lasted through the night, noble after noble rose to renounce their feudal privileges: hunting rights, seigneurial courts, tithes, the right to levy dues. By morning, the foundational legal structure of feudalism in France had been voluntarily dissolved.

The Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, adopted on August 26, 1789, was France's answer to the American Declaration of Independence. It proclaimed that "men are born and remain free and equal in rights," established freedom of speech, press, and religion, made arbitrary arrest illegal, and grounded political sovereignty in "the nation" rather than the crown. It was a genuinely radical document that remains the foundation of French republican identity.

What the Assembly was trying to build was a constitutional monarchy on roughly the British model: a king with real executive power but operating within a constitutional framework, with a legislature that controlled taxation. The moderate faction — the Feuillants, the constitutional monarchists — believed this was achievable. They were wrong, but not obviously wrong in 1789.

## Why the Moderates Couldn't Hold

Several structural problems undermined the moderate project.

The first was money. The National Assembly had dissolved feudalism and eliminated the old tax system, but hadn't yet built a replacement. France was still broke. The solution — nationalizing Church lands and issuing paper currency (assignats) backed by those lands — created short-term liquidity but planted the seeds of later inflation.

The second was war. Revolutionary France alarmed the European monarchies, who feared that the ideology would spread. Austria and Prussia began mobilizing in 1791-1792. The Assembly declared war on Austria in April 1792 — a decision that split the moderates and gave the radical Jacobins their opening. War emergencies create conditions for emergency measures that never end.

The third, and decisive, problem was Louis XVI himself. In June 1791, the royal family attempted to flee France in disguise — the Flight to Varennes. They were recognized, stopped, and brought back to Paris in humiliation. The king who had publicly sworn to uphold the constitution had just tried to escape to a foreign army that was preparing to invade France. After Varennes, constitutional monarchy was politically impossible. You can't build a constitutional monarchy on a king who doesn't believe in it.

## The Constitution of 1791 and Its Instant Obsolescence

The Constitution of 1791 was promulgated in September and was obsolete by the following summer. It created a constitutional monarchy with a unicameral legislature, limited voting rights (property qualifications), and a king with real but constrained executive power. It was in many ways a sophisticated document.

But it couldn't survive the combination of an invasion threat, a discredited king, and a radical faction in Paris that believed the Revolution hadn't gone far enough. When Austria and Prussia issued the Brunswick Manifesto in July 1792 — threatening to destroy Paris if the royal family was harmed — it had the opposite of its intended effect. The Paris crowds stormed the Tuileries palace, suspended the king, and handed effective power to the National Convention.

The moderate phase of the Revolution was over. The moderates hadn't lost because they were wrong about constitutional government. They'd lost because a foreign invasion, a disloyal king, and an economic crisis had made moderation politically untenable. That's worth understanding: the extremists didn't win on the merits of their ideas. They won because the circumstances destroyed the conditions that moderation requires.

From the Bastille to Constitutional Monarchy: The Revolution's Moderate Phase

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